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Autor(en): 
  • Francis Hackett
  • Ireland - A Study in Nationalism 
     

    (Buch)
    Dieser Artikel gilt, aufgrund seiner Grösse, beim Versand als 3 Artikel!


    Übersicht
     
    Lieferstatus:   i.d.R. innert 5-10 Tagen versandfertig
    Veröffentlichung:  2007  
    Genre:  Geschichte / Politik / Kultur 
    ISBN:  9781408625811 
    EAN-Code: 
    9781408625811 
    Verlag:  Dutt Press 
    Einband:  Kartoniert  
    Sprache:  English  
    Dimensionen:  H 216 mm / B 140 mm / D 25 mm 
    Gewicht:  547 gr 
    Seiten:  432 
    Zus. Info:  Paperback 
    Bewertung: Titel bewerten / Meinung schreiben
    Inhalt:
    IRELAND A STUDY IN NATIONALISM - 1918 - PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION - IT is a plain fact, apparent to every one, that the affairs of Ireland have come to a climax in the past year. At the time this book was finished, line, 1918, 1 believed that Irish affairs pivoted on the Rebellion of 19 I 6, that the Rebellion had greatly invigorated the national will but I had no idea that the object of the Rebellion, an Irish Republic, was so soon to be a concrete popular ideal. Of this fact there can now be no doubt whatever. The Irish in Ireland did not support the Rebellion at large. Neither did the Irish in America. But the reaction of Britain on the Rebellion fired the will and the imagination of Irishmen and Irishwomen everywhere. An Irish Republic, absolutely independent of Britain, is definitely established as the irreducible minimum on which the great majority of the Irish people have set their hearts. Victory may come soon or it may come late that depends on circumstances. The open object of national Ireland remains. This object is not home rule or fiscal autonomy or administration with a nationalist personnel or dominion semi-independence. Much less is it federation. All these propositions have had something to be said for them but their time is past. The Irish people have deliberately committed themselves to their ultimate aspiration. That is, abso- i l lute independence. They want an Ireland just as free of foreign sovereignty and foreign rule as the United States is. They want it without any softening of their meaning or any blinking of the national minorities in Ulster or scattered through the rest of Ireland. They want formal international recognition of their status as a distinctpeople, a people with special problems and special needs, with geographic entity and historic continuity. They want it on the very principles promulgated by responsible British and American statesmen during the late war. These principles they were urged to consider as binding and sacred. They do consider them binding and sacred. They ask and demand that they now be applied to Ireland. This ascertainment of the Irish national will has been a slow process, and I do notthink it could possibly have been accomplished but for the blunders of British statecraft in the last few years. Every one who knows American Revolutionary history, -whether written by good patriots like o h n Fiske or Liberal sophists like Trevelyan, must admit the enormous aid that was presented to the Revolution by the gross political and social obtuseness of the ruling class in Britain. A similar obtuseness has driven Irishmen and Irishwomen of all sorts and conditions into the arms of Irish Republicanism. The Irish Republic is said by some to have been made in Germany. On the contrary, it has largely been made in England. George V cannot be made the scapegoat, after the fashion of George 111. History will distribute the blame over whole governments and whole classes. But when it comes to be written how England lost Ireland, ii the animus of the Irish people will be seen to have mainly resulted from thk obtuseness as well as the obliquity of British statecraft. As a document relevant to this view of the case I submit the following book as it stands. I have been tempted to re-write it in the light of 1919, using every argument in it to bear on the case for an Irish Republic...

      
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